A Manifesto for Independence
This manifesto is the additional policy that pro-independence parties should add to their own manifestos in the 2026 Holyrood election to achieve restoration of Scotland’s independence.
A Manifesto for Independence
- Repudiate the Section 30 process as an illegitimate constraint on Scotland’s right of self-determination.
- Declare one or all future Scottish Parliament or UK Parliament elections to be a plebiscite on the question of the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament to facilitate the exercise of Scotland’s right of self-determination.
- Assert the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament on the basis of its democratic legitimacy and the sovereignty of Scotland’s people, citing the fact this is the only way the people of Scotland can be enabled to exercise our human right of self-determination.
- Recall Scotland’s Members of Parliament from Westminster to sit on a National Convention convened by the Scottish Parliament, with Members of the Scottish Parliament and such representatives of civic society as are deemed appropriate by the Scottish Parliament for the purpose of overseeing the drafting of a Constitution for Scotland.
- Propose dissolution of the Union with England subject to approval by the Scottish Parliament and ratification by the people of Scotland in a confirmatory referendum that stands as the formal exercise by the people of Scotland of our inalienable right of self-determination.
- Hold a referendum on the question of the Union under the auspices of the Scottish Parliament and subject to oversight and management by the National Convention and such bodies as may be appointed by the Scottish Parliament.
A Manifesto for Independence
The six points of the Manifesto (explained below) outline a unique process called #ScottishUDI that leads from the current situation to restored independence for Scotland, making it the only identified process with this goal.
Restoration of Scotland’s independence is hindered by the British state’s control over legislative competence, specifically in the reservation of powers over the constitution.
The British state does not deny Scotland’s right to self-determination, but obstructs the ability to exercise this right by withholding powers that rightfully belong to the Scottish Parliament.
Repudiate the Section 30 process as an illegitimate constraint on Scotland’s right of self-determination.
It is necessary to repudiate the Section 30 process because it has been promoted so vigorously as the ‘gold standard’, and it definitely isn’t that.
It is necessary to repudiate the Section 30 process just because it is wrong. If we adhere to the principle that the people of Scotland are sovereign, then there can be no effective veto on the democratically expressed will of the people. If we, the people do not recognise a higher authority, perhaps someone should ask our elected representatives why they do.
It is necessary to repudiate the Section 30 process in order to eliminate one of the bases for a legal challenge.
Declare one or all future Scottish Parliament elections to be a plebiscite on the question of the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament to facilitate the exercise of Scotland’s right of self- determination.
It has to be a plebiscite on the question of legislative competence because there cannot be a proper constitutional referendum until the required legislative competence has been restored to the Scottish Parliament.
A plebiscite requires that a binary element be introduced to the inherently non-binary election. This can be achieved by **all** pro-independence parties adopting the same Manifesto for Independence.
Making the plebiscite about the right of self-determination turns the constitutional issue into a human rights issue.
Recall Scotland’s Members of Parliament from Westminster to sit on a National Convention convened by the Scottish Parliament, with Members of the Scottish Parliament and such representatives of civic society as are deemed appropriate by the Scottish Parliament, for the purpose of overseeing the drafting of a provisional Constitution for Scotland.
The only way we can have a proper constitutional referendum is if it is legislated for by the Scottish Parliament. The only way the Scottish Parliament can acquire the necessary legislative competence is by taking it.
Enabling the exercise of our right of self-determination is the proximate purpose of asserting legislative competence in all matters relating to the constitution – effectively ‘de-reserving’ the power – but this is in itself a de facto – as opposed to explicit – declaration of independence.
Therefore the ‘taking’ of power by the parliament is dependent on your support through the plebiscite election.
Assert the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament in matters relating to the constitution, on the basis of its democratic legitimacy and the sovereignty of Scotland’s people, citing the fact that this is the only way the people of Scotland can be enabled to exercise our human right of self-determination.
In order to have democratic legitimacy, a National Convention must be convened by the Scottish Parliament. This can only be done after the Scottish Parliament has repossessed legislative competence in the area of the constitution.
In order to have legal standing, recalled MPs and others must be formally engaged by a body which has been established by the Scottish Parliament. This allows that costs can be met from public funds.
The foregoing does not prevent preparations being made beforehand for the formal convening of a National Convention. But it will be limited in what it can do prior to legislation being passed which officially establishes it.
Propose dissolution of the Union with England subject to approval by the Scottish Parliament and ratification by the people of Scotland in a confirmatory referendum that stands as the formal exercise by the people of Scotland of our inalienable right of self-determination.
A proposal to dissolve the Union and restore independence will take the form of a Bill to be debated and enacted by the Scottish Parliament.
The proposal will be as detailed as necessary without being overly prescriptive. It will, for example, include a barebones provisional constitution as well as the legislation authorising the constitutional referendum.
A short, plain language version of the proposal will be distributed and publicised in order that everyone understands what they are voting on.
Hold a referendum on the question of the Union under the auspices of the Scottish Parliament and subject to oversight and management by the National Convention and such bodies as may be appointed by the Scottish Parliament.
Criterial for a proper constitutional referendum were presented for discussion in an Appendix to the Stirling Directive. The summary states:
- A true constitutional referendum is binary, with options which are discrete, defined and deliverable.
- It must be entirely made and managed in Scotland by Scotland’s democratic institutions.
- It must produce a clear decision and not merely a result.
- The authorising and regulating legislation must be determinative and self-executing.
- It must meet internationally recognised standards for a democratic event.
- It is the formal exercise by the people of Scotland of our right of self-determination.
- The outcome is the expressed will of the sovereign people of Scotland which none may deny.
The phrase ‘determinative and self-executing’ means that there is a defined consequence of a vote either way that will ensue directly and immediately from the result.
The franchise for the constitutional referendum will be determined by the Scottish Parliament with input from the National Convention.